The political and policy contexts for FOI have fundamentally shifted due to the rise of the open government reform agenda. FOI was at one point the primary tool used to promote governance transparency. FOI is now just one good governance tool in an increasingly crowded field of transparency policy areas.
How Tech Utopia Fostered Tyranny
Jon Askonas at The New Atlantis: “The rumors spread like wildfire: Muslims were secretly lacing a Sri Lankan village’s food with sterilization drugs. Soon, a video circulated that appeared to show a Muslim shopkeeper admitting to drugging his customers — he had misunderstood the question that was angrily put to him. Then all hell broke loose. Over a several-day span, dozens of mosques and Muslim-owned shops and homes were burned down across multiple towns. In one home, a young journalist was
Mob violence is an old phenomenon, but the tools encouraging it, in this case, were not. As the New York Times reported in April, the rumors were spread via Facebook, whose newsfeed algorithm prioritized high-engagement content, especially videos. “Designed to maximize user time on site,” as the Times article describes, the newsfeed algorithm “promotes whatever wins the most attention. Posts that tap into negative, primal emotions like anger or fear, studies have found, produce the highest engagement, and so proliferate.” On Facebook in Sri Lanka, posts with incendiary rumors had among the highest engagement rates, and so were among the most highly promoted content on the platform. Similar cases of mob violence have taken place in India, Myanmar, Mexico, and elsewhere, with misinformation spread mainly through Facebook and the messaging tool WhatsApp.
Follow The New AtlantisThis is in spite of Facebook’s decision in January 2018 to tweak its algorithm, apparently to prevent the kind of manipulation we saw in the 2016 U.S. election, when posts and election ads originating from Russia reportedly showed up in newsfeeds of up to 126 million American Facebook users. The company explained that the changes to its algorithm will mean that newsfeeds will be “showing more posts from friends and family and updates that spark conversation,” and “less public content, including videos and other posts from publishers or businesses.” But these changes, which Facebook had tested out in countries like Sri Lanka in the previous year, may actually have exacerbated the problem — which is that incendiary content, when posted by friends and family, is guaranteed to “spark conversation” and therefore to be prioritized in newsfeeds. This is because “misinformation is almost always more interesting than the truth,” as Mathew Ingram provocatively put it in the Columbia Journalism Review.
How did we get here, from Facebook’s mission to “give people the power to build community and bring the world closer together”? Riot-inducing “fake news” and election meddling are obviously far from what its founders intended for the platform. Likewise, Google’s founders surely did not build their search engine with the intention of its being censored in China to suppress free speech, and yet, after years of refusing this demand from Chinese leadership, Google has recently relented rather than pull their search engine from China entirely. And YouTube’s creators surely did not intend their feature that promotes “trending” content to help clickbait conspiracy-theory videos go viral.
These outcomes — not merely unanticipated by the companies’ founders but outright opposed to their intentions — are not limited to social media. So far, Big Tech companies have presented issues of incitement, algorithmic radicalization, and “fake news” as merely bumps on the road of progress, glitches and bugs to be patched over. In fact, the problem goes deeper, to fundamental questions of human nature. Tools based on the premise that access to information will only enlighten us and social connectivity will only make us more humane have instead fanned conspiracy theories, information bubbles, and social fracture. A tech movement spurred by visions of libertarian empowerment and progressive uplift has instead fanned a global resurgence of populism and authoritarianism.
Despite the storm of criticism, Silicon Valley has still failed to recognize in these abuses a sharp rebuke of its sunny view of human nature. It remains naïvely blind to how its own aspirations for social engineering are on a spectrum with the tools’ “unintended” uses by authoritarian regimes and nefarious actors
Index: Trust in Institutions 2019
By Michelle Winowatan, Andrew J. Zahuranec, Andrew Young, Stefaan Verhulst
The Living Library Index – inspired by the Harper’s Index – provides important statistics and highlights global trends in governance innovation. This installment focuses on trust in institutions.
Please share any additional, illustrative statistics on open data, or other issues at the nexus of technology and governance, with us at [email protected]
Global Trust in Public Institutions
- Percentage of citizens globally with trust in institutions: 52% – 2019
- Most trusted institution globally: United Nations (59%) – 2019
- Global trust in NGOs: 56% – 2019
- Percentage of people around the world who trust their government: 47% – 2019
- Countries with the lowest trust in their public institutions: Russia (29%), Japan (39%), Spain (40%), Ireland (42%), and United Kingdom: 43% – 2019
- Most Trusted Institution in Latin America: The Church (65%) – 2017
Trust in Government
United States
- Americans who say their democracy is working at least “somewhat well:” 58% – 2018
- Number who believe sweeping changes to their government are needed: 61% – 2018
- Percentage of Americans expressing faith in election system security: 45% – 2018
- Percentage of Americans expressing an overarching trust in government: 40% – 2019
- How Americans would rate the trustworthiness of Congress: 4.1 out of 10 – 2017
- The judicial system: 5.2 out of 10 – 2017
- The civil service: 5.4 out of 10 – 2017
- The police: 6.2 out of 10 – 2017
- Number who have confidence elected officials act in the best interests of the public: 25% – 2018
- Amount who trust the federal government to do what is right “just about always or most of the time”: 18% – 2017
- Americans with trust and confidence in the federal government to handle domestic problems: 2 in 5 – 2018
- International problems: 1 in 2 – 2018
- US institution with highest amount of confidence to act in the best interests of the public: The Military (80%) – 2018
- Most favorably viewed level of government: Local (67%) – 2018
- Most favorably viewed federal agency: National Park Service (83% favorable) – 2018
- Least favorable federal agency: Immigration and Customs Enforcement (47% unfavorable) – 2018
United Kingdom
- Overall trust in government: 42% – 2019
- Number who think the country is headed in the “wrong direction:” 7 in 10 – 2018
- Those who have trust in politicians: 17% – 2018
- Amount who feel unrepresented in politics: 61% – 2019
- Amount who feel that their standard of living will get worse over the next year: Nearly 4 in 10 – 2019
- Trust the national government handling of personal data:
- Seeking consent when it comes to data collection: Fewer than 1 in 3 – 2018
- Being transparent about how it is used: 1 in 4 – 2018
- Protecting personal data: Fewer than 1 in 3 – 2018
- Encrypting data: Fewer than 1 in 3 – 2018
- Managing data in the source’s best interests: Fewer than 1 in 3 – 2018
European Union
- Public trust in the European Union: 59% – 2018
- Citizens who are optimistic about the future of the European Union: 66% – 2018
- Most trusted institution in the European Union: European Parliament (50%) – 2018
- Highest level of trust in the European Parliament: Sweden (71%) – 2018
- Lowest level of trust in the European Parliament: Greece (39%) – 2018
- Highest source of concern about the internet during the pre-election period: Disinformation and Misinformation on the Internet (almost 3 in 4 expressed concerns) – 2018
- Country with the highest concern: Spain and Greece (84%) – 2018
- Country with the lowest concern: Estonia (56%) – 2018
- Overall Concern for elections being manipulated through cyberattacks: 61% – 2018
- Highest Concern: Spain (74%) – 2018
- Lowest Concern: Estonia (42%) – 2018
- Most confident their country was doing what was needed to prevent illegal or fraudulent election activities: Finland (88%) – 2018
- Least confidence: Bulgaria (31%) – 2018
- Number of EU member-states satisfied with free and fair elections in their country: 27 – 2018
- Number of EU member-states dissatisfied with free and fair elections 1 (Bulgaria) – 2018
- Europeans who are convinced that the EU is a secure place to live in: 7 in 10, declining since 2015 – 2018
- EU citizens trust in the European national governments: 49% – 2018
- EU countries with the highest trust in government: Luxembourg (almost 3 in 4) – 2018
- EU countries with the lowest trust in government: Greece (about 1 in 10) – 2018
- Those who think that the national authorities are doing enough to combat terrorism: 6 in 10 – 2018
- Most trusted actor to address corruption: Police – 2017
- France: 6.1 out of 10 – 2017
- Germany: 6.8 out of 10 – 2017
- Italy: 5.1 out of 10 – 2017
- Slovenia: 5.9 out of 10 – 2017
- United Kingdom: 5.9 out of 10 – 2017
- Those who are confident that justice always prevails over injustice in their country: 39% – 2017
- Support for the independence of European courts and judges: almost 1 in 2 – 2018
- General public who think the independence of European courts and judges is good: 56% – 2018
Africa
- Trust in government across Africa: 57% – 2016
- Most trusted institutional actor across Africa: Religious Leaders (72%) – 2016
- Least trusted: Opposition Party (36%) – 2016
- Country with highest level of trust in the state (president or prime minister, army and police): Niger (86%) – 2016
- Lowest: Nigeria (31%) – 2016
- Highest trust in the courts: Niger (82%) – 2016
- Lowest: Madagascar (29%) – 2016
- Highest Trust in Parliament: Namibia (74%) – 2016
- Lowest: Nigeria (25%) – 2016
Latin America
- Confidence in government across Latin America: Only 1 in 4 trust their leaders – 2018
- Highest confidence in government: Nicaragua (42%) – 2017
- Lowest confidence in government: Brazil (8%) – 2017
- Highest confidence in the legislature: Venezuela (37%) – 2017
- Lowest confidence in the legislature: Paraguay (10%) – 2017
- Highest Confidence in Political Parties: Uruguay (25%) – 2017
- Lowest Confidence in Political Parties: Brazil (7%) – 2017
- Dissatisfaction with democracy: 13 in 20 – 2017
- Confidence in political parties: 3 in 20 – 2017
- Overall Trust in the Judiciary: 34% – 2018
Other
- Most trusted institution in China: Government (86%) – 2019
- What the Chinese public considers to be the largest problem facing the country: Corrupt Officials (49%) – 2016
- Number of people who trust their government in India: 17 in 20 – 2017
- Canada: about 2 in 3 – 2017
- Russia: about 2 in 3 – 2017
- Mexico: less than 1 in 5 – 2017
- Lebanon: 3 in 20 – 2017
Trust in Media
- Percentage of people around the world who trust the media: 47% – 2019
- Rating of news trustworthiness in the United States: 4.5 out of 10 – 2017
- In South Korea: 4.0 out of 10 – 2017
- Number of citizens who trust the press across the European Union: Almost 1 in 2 – 2019
- France: 3.9 out of 10 – 2019
- Germany: 4.8 out of 10 – 2019
- Italy: 3.8 out of 10 – 2019
- Slovenia: 3.9 out of 10 – 2019
- Percentage of European Union citizens who trust the radio: 59% – 2017
- EU citizens who do not actively participate in political discussions on social networks because they don’t trust online social networks: 3 in 10 – 2018
- Those who are confident that the average person in the United Kingdom can tell real news from ‘fake news’: 3 in 10 – 2018
Trust in Business
- Global trust in business: 56% – 2019
- Number of Americans who believe pharmaceutical companies have too much power: More than 4 in 5 – 2018
- Banks and Financial Institutions: Almost 3 in 4 – 2018
- Advertisers: Over 7 in 10 – 2018
- Energy Industry: Over 11 in 20 – 2018
- Technology Companies: 11 in 20 – 2018
- The most trusted business sector globally: Technology (78%) – 2019
- Americans who trust technology companies to “do what is right:” More than 17 in 20 – 2018
- British citizens who feel technology companies will seek their consent on data collection: 25% trust; 27% distrust – 2018
- British citizens who feel technology companies will be transparent on how they use data: 23% trust; 33% distrust – 2018
- British citizens who feel technology companies will protect personal data: 26% trust; 29% distrust – 2018
- British citizens who trust technology companies to encrypt their personal data: 31% trust; 25% distrust – 2018
- Least trusted business sector globally: Financial Services (57%) – 2019
- Trustworthiness of the Financials Services industry as rated by French citizens: 3.9 out of 10 – 2017
- Germans: 4.5 out of 10 – 2017
- Italians: 3.5 out of 10 – 2017
- Slovenians: 4.5 out of 10 – 2017
- South Koreans: 5.1 out of 10 – 2017
- Brits: 4.9 out of 10 – 2017
- Americans: 5.6 out of 10 – 2017
- Millennials who trust in companies to keep their personal information private: 44%, the highest compared to other generations – 2016
- Percentage of American citizens confident that business leaders will act in the best interests of the public: 45% – 2018
- Professions least trusted to tell the truth in the United Kingdom: Advertising Executives (16%) – 2018
Sources
- 1. Many unhappy with
current political system. Pew Research Center, 2017. - Afrobarometer: Round 6. Afrobarometer. 2016.
- Ambitious SDG goal confronts challenging realities: Access to justice is still elusive for many Africans. Afrobarometer, 2017.
- Chinese Public Sees More Powerful Role in World, Names U.S. as Top Threat. Pew Research Center, 2016.
- Confiana en los partidos políticos cae nueve puntos porcentuales desde 2013, se acentúa la crisis de respresentación. Latinobarometro, 2017.
- Confianza en el congreso cae doce puntos porcentuales desde 2010 en América Latina. La crisis de representación se acentúa. Latinobarometro, 2017.
- Corruption. European Commission, 2017.
- Data Security: Not a Big Concern for Millennials. Gallup, 2016.
- Desde 2010 la satisfacción con la democracia en América Latina ha caído 14 puntos porcentuales. Latinobarometro, 2017.
- Edelman Trust Barometer. Edelman, 2019.
- Eurobarometer interactive: And, for each of them, please tell me if you tend to trust it or not to trust it? The European Parliament. European Commission, 2018.
- Eurobarometer Interactive: I would like to ask you a question about how much trust you have in certain media and institutions. For the following media and institutions, please tell me if you tend to trust it or tend not to trust it: Radio. European Commission, 2017.
- Eurobarometer Interactive: I would like to ask you a question about how much trust you have in certain media and institutions. For the following media and institutions, please tell me if you tend to trust it or tend not to trust it: Television. European Commission, 2017.
- Eurobarometer Interactive: I would like to ask you a question about how much trust you have in certain media and institutions. For the following media and institutions, please tell me if you tend to trust it or tend not to trust it: The Internet. European Commission, 2017.
- Eurobarometer Interactive: I would like to ask you a question about how much trust you have in certain media and institutions. For the following media and institutions, please tell me if you tend to trust it or tend not to trust it: Online social networks. European Commission, 2017.
- Eurobarometer: Democracy and elections. European Commission, 2018.
- European Parliament the most trusted EU institution. European Parliament, 2018.
- Fairness, inequality and inter-generational mobility. European Commission, 2018.
- Ipsos MORI Almanac 2018. Ipsos MORI, 2018.
- Job performance of MPs, local
councillors : Are representatives serving voters or themselves? Afrobarometer, 2016. - La confianza en los gobiernos latinoamericanos alcanza su nivel más bajo desde 2004. Latinobarometro, 2017.
- Latin American Economic Outlook 2018: Rethinking Institutions for Development. OECD Development Centre, 2018.
- Perceived independence of the national justice systems in the EU among companies. European Commission, 2018.
- Perceived independence of the national justice systems in the EU among the general public. European Commission, 2018.
- The State of the Nation. Ipsos MORI, 2018.
- Trust in Government. Gallup Poll, 2018.
- Trust in the Digital Era. Pew Research Center, 2018.
- Trust in the military exceeds trust in other institutions in Western Europe and U.S. Pew Research Center, 2018.
- Trust, Facts, and Democracy: 1. Democracy and government, the U.S. political system, elected officials and governmental institutions. Pew Research Centre, 2018.
- Trustlab. OECD, 2017.
Fact-Based Policy: How Do State and Local Governments Accomplish It?
Report and Proposal by Justine Hastings: “Fact-based policy is essential to making government more effective and more efficient, and many states could benefit from more extensive use of data and evidence when making policy. Private companies have taken advantage of declining computing costs and vast data resources to solve problems in a fact-based way, but state and local governments have not made as much progress….
Drawing on her experience in Rhode Island, Hastings proposes that states build secure, comprehensive, integrated
Bureaucracy vs. Democracy
Philip Howard in The American Interest: “…For 50 years since the 1960s, modern government has been rebuilt on what I call the “philosophy of correctness.” The person making the decision must be able to demonstrate its correctness by compliance with a precise rule or metric, or by objective evidence in a trial-type proceeding. All day long, Americans are trained to ask themselves, “Can I prove that what I’m about to do is legally correct?”
In the age of individual rights, no one talks about the rights of institutions. But the disempowerment of institutional authority in the name of individual rights has led, ironically, to the disempowerment of individuals at every level of responsibility. Instead of striding confidently toward their goals, Americans tiptoe through legal minefields. In virtually every area of social interaction—schools, healthcare, business, public agencies, public works, entrepreneurship, personal services, community activities, nonprofit organizations, churches and synagogues, candor in the workplace, children’s play, speech on campus, and more—studies and reports confirm all the ways that sensible choices are prevented, delayed, or skewed by overbearing regulation, by an overemphasis on objective metrics,3 or by legal fear of violating someone’s alleged rights.
A Three-Part Indictment of Modern Bureaucracy
Reformers have promised to rein in bureaucracy for 40 years, and it’s only gotten more tangled. Public anger at government has escalated at the same time, and particularly in the past decade. While there’s a natural reluctance to abandon a bureaucratic structure that is well-intended, public anger is unlikely to be mollified until there is change, and populist solutions do not bode well for the future of democracy. Overhauling operating structures to permit practical governing choices would re-energize democracy as well as relieve the pressures Americans feel from Big Brother breathing down their necks.
Viewed in hindsight, the operating premise of modern bureaucracy was utopian and designed to fail. Here’s the three-part indictment of why we should abandon it.
1. The Economic Dysfunction of Modern Bureaucracy
Regulatory programs are indisputably wasteful, and frequently extract costs that exceed benefits. The total cost of compliance is high, about $2 trillion for federal regulation alone….
2. Bureaucracy Causes Cognitive Overload
The complex tangle of bureaucratic rules impairs a human’s ability to focus on the actual problem at hand. The phenomenon of the unhelpful bureaucrat, famously depicted in fiction by Dickens, Balzac, Kafka, Gogol, Heller, and others, has generally been characterized as a cultural flaw of the bureaucratic personality. But studies of cognitive overload suggest that the real problem is that people who are thinking about rules actually have diminished capacity to think about solving problems. This overload not only impedes drawing on
3. Bureaucracy Subverts the Rule of Law
The purpose of
Artificial Intelligence and National Security
Report by Congressional Research Service: “Artificial intelligence (AI) is a rapidly growing field of technology with potentially significant implications for national security. As such, the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) and other nations are developing AI applications for a range of military functions. AI research is underway in the fields of intelligence collection and analysis, logistics, cyber operations, information operations, command and control, and in a variety of semi-autonomous and autonomous vehicles.
Already, AI has been incorporated into military operations in Iraq and Syria. Congressional action has the potential to shape the technology’s development further, with budgetary and legislative decisions influencing the growth of military applications as well as the pace of their adoption.
AI technologies present unique challenges for military integration, particularly because the bulk of AI development is happening in the commercial sector. Although AI is not unique in this regard, the defense acquisition process may need to be adapted for acquiring emerging technologies like AI.
In addition, many commercial AI applications must undergo significant modification prior to being functional for the military. A number of cultural issues also challenge AI acquisition, as some commercial AI companies are averse to partnering with DOD due to ethical concerns, and even within the department, there can be resistance to incorporating AI technology into existing weapons systems and processes.
Potential international rivals in the AI market are creating pressure for the United States to compete for innovative military AI applications. China is a leading competitor in this regard, releasing a plan in 2017 to capture the global
AI technology could, for example, facilitate autonomous operations, lead to more informed military decisionmaking, and increase the speed and scale of military action. However, it may also be unpredictable or vulnerable to unique forms of manipulation. As a result of these factors, analysts hold a broad range of opinions on how influential AI will be in future combat operations.
While a small number of analysts believe that the technology will have minimal impact, most believe that AI will have at least an evolutionary—if not revolutionary—effect
WeDialogue
WeDialogue: “… is a global experiment to test new solutions for commenting on news online. The objective of weDialogue is to promote humility in public discourse and prevent digital harassment and trolling.
What am I expected to do?
The task is simple. You are asked to fill out a survey, then wait until the experiment begins. You will then be given a login for your platform. There you will be able to read and comment on news as if it was a normal online newspaper or blog. We would like people to comment as much as possible, but you are free to contribute as much as you want. At the end of the experiment we would be very grateful if you could fill in a final survey and provide us with feedback on the overall experience.
Why is important to test new platforms for news comments?
We know the problems of harassment and trolling (see our video), but the solution is not obvious. Developers have proposed new platforms, but these have not been tested rigorously. weDialogue is a participatory action research project that aims to combine academic expertise and citizens’ knowledge and experience to test potential solutions.
What are you going to do with the research?
All our research and data will be publicly available so that others can build upon it. Both the Deliberatorium and Pol.is are free software that can be reused. The data we will create and the resulting publications will be released in an open access environment.
Who is weDialogue?
US$238,000,000
Amount of money allocated to community projects through Participatory Budgeting in the United States as of June 27, 2017.
What Makes a City Street Smart?
Taxi and Limousine Commission’s (TLC): “Cities aren’t born smart. They become smart by understanding what is happening on their streets. Measurement is key to management, and amid the incomparable expansion of for-hire transportation service in New York City, measuring street activity is more important than ever. Between 2015 (when app companies first began reporting data) and June 2018, trips by app services increased more than 300%, now totaling over 20 million trips each month. That’s more cars, more drivers, and more mobility.
Taxi and Limousine Commission’s (TLC): “Cities aren’t born smart. They become smart by understanding what is happening on their streets. Measurement is key to management, and amid the incomparable expansion of for-hire transportation service in New York City, measuring street activity is more important than ever. Between 2015 (when app companies first began reporting data) and June 2018, trips by app services increased more than 300%, now totaling over 20 million trips each month. That’s more cars, more drivers, and more mobility.
We know the true scope of this transformation today only because of the New York City Taxi and Limousine Commission’s (TLC) pioneering regulatory actions. Unlike most cities in the country, app services cannot operate in NYC unless they give the City detailed information about every trip. This is mandated by TLC rules and is not contingent on companies voluntarily “sharing” only a self-selected portion of the large amount of data they collect. Major trends in the taxi and for-hire vehicle industry are highlighted in TLC’s 2018 Factbook.
What Transportation Data Does TLC Collect?

Notably, Uber, Lyft, and their competitors today must give the TLC granular data about each and every trip and request for service. TLC does not receive passenger information; we require only the data necessary to understand traffic patterns, working conditions, vehicle efficiency, service availability, and other important information.
One of the most important aspects of the data TLC collects is that they are stripped of identifying information and made available to the public. Through the City’s Open Data portal, TLC’s trip data help businesses distinguish new business opportunities from saturated markets, encourage competition, and help investors follow trends in both new app transportation and the traditional car service and hail taxi markets. As app companies contemplate going public, their investors have surely already bookmarked TLC’s Open Data site.
Using Data to Improve Mobility
With this information NYC now knows people are getting around the boroughs using app services and shared rides with greater frequency. These are the same NYC neighborhoods that traditionally were not served by yellow cabs and often have less robust public transportation options. We also know these services provide an increasing number of trips in congested areas like Manhattan and the inner rings of Brooklyn and Queens, where public transportation options are relatively plentiful….(More)”.
Evidence vs Democracy: what are we doing to bridge the divide?
Jonathan Breckon, and Anna Hopkins at the Alliance for Useful E
The evidence movement must respond to the ‘politics of distrust’. We cannot carry on regardless. For evidence advocates like us, reaching over the heads of the public to get research into the hands of elite policy-makers is not enough. Let’s be honest and accept that a lot of our work goes on behind closed doors. The UK’s nine What Works Centres only rarely engage with the public – more often with professionals, budget holders or civil servants. The evidence movement needs to democratise.
However, the difficulty is that evidence is hard work. It needs slow-thinking, and at least a passing knowledge of statistics, economics, or science. How on earth can you do all that on Twitter or Facebook?
In a report published today we look at ‘mini-publics’ – an alternative democratic platform to connect citizens with research. Citizens’ Juries, Deliberative Polls, Consensus Conferences and other mini-publics are forums that bring people and evidence together, for constructive, considered debate. Ideally, people work in small groups, that are randomly chosen, and have the chance to interrogate experts in the field in question.
This is not a new idea. The idea of a ‘minipopulus’ was set out by the American political theorist Robert Dahl in the 1970s. Indeed, there is an even older heritage. Athenian classical democracy did for a time select small groups of officials by lot.
It’s also not a utopian idea from the past, as we have found many promising recent examples. For example in the UK, a Citizens’ Assembly on adult social care gave recommendations to two parliamentary Select Committees last year. There are also examples of citizens contributing to our public institutions and agendas by deliberating – through NICE’s Citizens Council or the James Lind Alliance.
We shouldn’t ignore this resistance to the mood of disaffection. Initiatives like the RSA’s Campaign for Deliberative Democracy are making the case for a step-change. To break the political deadlock on Brexit, there has been a call to create a Citizens’ Assembly on Brexit by former Prime Minister Gordon Brown, Stella Creasy MP and others. And there are many hopeful visions of a democratic future from abroad – like the experiments in Canada and Australia. Our report explores many of these international examples.
Citizens can make informed decisions – if we allow them to be citizens. They can understand, debate and interrogate research