Paper by Francesca De Filippi, Cristina Coscia
Twentieth Century Town Halls: Architecture of Democracy
Book by Jon Stewart: “This is the first book to examine the development of the town hall during the twentieth century and the way in which these civic buildings have responded to the dramatic political, social and architectural changes which took place during the period. Following an overview of the history of the town hall as a building type, it examines the key themes, variations
Copenhagen Town Hall, Denmark, Martin Nyrop
Stockholm City Hall, Sweden, Ragnar Ostberg
Hilversum Town Hall, the Netherlands, Willem M. Dudok
Walthamstow Town Hall, Britain, Philip Dalton Hepworth
Oslo Town Hall, Norway, Arnstein Arneberg and Magnus Poulsson
Casa del Fascio, Como, Italy, Guiseppe Terragni
Aarhus Town Hall, Denmark, Arne Jacobsen with Eric Moller
Saynatsalo Town Hall, Finland, Alvar Aalto
Kurashiki City Hall, Japan, Kenzo Tange
Toronto City Hall, Canada, Viljo Revell
Boston City Hall, USA, Kallmann, McKinnell and Knowles
Dallas City Hall, USA, IM Pei
Mississauga City Hall, Canada, Ed Jones and Michael Kirkland
Borgoricco Town Hall, Italy, Aldo Rossi
Reykjavik City Hall, Iceland, Studio Granda
Valdelaguna Town Hall, Spain, Victor Lopez Cotelo and Carlos Puente Fernandez
The Hague City Hall, the Netherlands, Richard Meier
Iragna Town Hall, Switzerland, Raffaele Cavadini
Murcia City Hall, Spain, Jose Rafael Moneo
London City Hall, UK, Norman Foster…(More)”.
Index: Trust in Institutions 2019
By Michelle Winowatan, Andrew J. Zahuranec, Andrew Young, Stefaan Verhulst
The Living Library Index – inspired by the Harper’s Index – provides important statistics and highlights global trends in governance innovation. This installment focuses on trust in institutions.
Please share any additional, illustrative statistics on open data, or other issues at the nexus of technology and governance, with us at [email protected]
Global Trust in Public Institutions
- Percentage of citizens globally with trust in institutions: 52% – 2019
- Most trusted institution globally: United Nations (59%) – 2019
- Global trust in NGOs: 56% – 2019
- Percentage of people around the world who trust their government: 47% – 2019
- Countries with the lowest trust in their public institutions: Russia (29%), Japan (39%), Spain (40%), Ireland (42%), and United Kingdom: 43% – 2019
- Most Trusted Institution in Latin America: The Church (65%) – 2017
Trust in Government
United States
- Americans who say their democracy is working at least “somewhat well:” 58% – 2018
- Number who believe sweeping changes to their government are needed: 61% – 2018
- Percentage of Americans expressing faith in election system security: 45% – 2018
- Percentage of Americans expressing an overarching trust in government: 40% – 2019
- How Americans would rate the trustworthiness of Congress: 4.1 out of 10 – 2017
- The judicial system: 5.2 out of 10 – 2017
- The civil service: 5.4 out of 10 – 2017
- The police: 6.2 out of 10 – 2017
- Number who have confidence elected officials act in the best interests of the public: 25% – 2018
- Amount who trust the federal government to do what is right “just about always or most of the time”: 18% – 2017
- Americans with trust and confidence in the federal government to handle domestic problems: 2 in 5 – 2018
- International problems: 1 in 2 – 2018
- US institution with highest amount of confidence to act in the best interests of the public: The Military (80%) – 2018
- Most favorably viewed level of government: Local (67%) – 2018
- Most favorably viewed federal agency: National Park Service (83% favorable) – 2018
- Least favorable federal agency: Immigration and Customs Enforcement (47% unfavorable) – 2018
United Kingdom
- Overall trust in government: 42% – 2019
- Number who think the country is headed in the “wrong direction:” 7 in 10 – 2018
- Those who have trust in politicians: 17% – 2018
- Amount who feel unrepresented in politics: 61% – 2019
- Amount who feel that their standard of living will get worse over the next year: Nearly 4 in 10 – 2019
- Trust the national government handling of personal data:
- Seeking consent when it comes to data collection: Fewer than 1 in 3 – 2018
- Being transparent about how it is used: 1 in 4 – 2018
- Protecting personal data: Fewer than 1 in 3 – 2018
- Encrypting data: Fewer than 1 in 3 – 2018
- Managing data in the source’s best interests: Fewer than 1 in 3 – 2018
European Union
- Public trust in the European Union: 59% – 2018
- Citizens who are optimistic about the future of the European Union: 66% – 2018
- Most trusted institution in the European Union: European Parliament (50%) – 2018
- Highest level of trust in the European Parliament: Sweden (71%) – 2018
- Lowest level of trust in the European Parliament: Greece (39%) – 2018
- Highest source of concern about the internet during the pre-election period: Disinformation and Misinformation on the Internet (almost 3 in 4 expressed concerns) – 2018
- Country with the highest concern: Spain and Greece (84%) – 2018
- Country with the lowest concern: Estonia (56%) – 2018
- Overall Concern for elections being manipulated through cyberattacks: 61% – 2018
- Highest Concern: Spain (74%) – 2018
- Lowest Concern: Estonia (42%) – 2018
- Most confident their country was doing what was needed to prevent illegal or fraudulent election activities: Finland (88%) – 2018
- Least confidence: Bulgaria (31%) – 2018
- Number of EU member-states satisfied with free and fair elections in their country: 27 – 2018
- Number of EU member-states dissatisfied with free and fair elections 1 (Bulgaria) – 2018
- Europeans who are convinced that the EU is a secure place to live in: 7 in 10, declining since 2015 – 2018
- EU citizens trust in the European national governments: 49% – 2018
- EU countries with the highest trust in government: Luxembourg (almost 3 in 4) – 2018
- EU countries with the lowest trust in government: Greece (about 1 in 10) – 2018
- Those who think that the national authorities are doing enough to combat terrorism: 6 in 10 – 2018
- Most trusted actor to address corruption: Police – 2017
- France: 6.1 out of 10 – 2017
- Germany: 6.8 out of 10 – 2017
- Italy: 5.1 out of 10 – 2017
- Slovenia: 5.9 out of 10 – 2017
- United Kingdom: 5.9 out of 10 – 2017
- Those who are confident that justice always prevails over injustice in their country: 39% – 2017
- Support for the independence of European courts and judges: almost 1 in 2 – 2018
- General public who think the independence of European courts and judges is good: 56% – 2018
Africa
- Trust in government across Africa: 57% – 2016
- Most trusted institutional actor across Africa: Religious Leaders (72%) – 2016
- Least trusted: Opposition Party (36%) – 2016
- Country with highest level of trust in the state (president or prime minister, army and police): Niger (86%) – 2016
- Lowest: Nigeria (31%) – 2016
- Highest trust in the courts: Niger (82%) – 2016
- Lowest: Madagascar (29%) – 2016
- Highest Trust in Parliament: Namibia (74%) – 2016
- Lowest: Nigeria (25%) – 2016
Latin America
- Confidence in government across Latin America: Only 1 in 4 trust their leaders – 2018
- Highest confidence in government: Nicaragua (42%) – 2017
- Lowest confidence in government: Brazil (8%) – 2017
- Highest confidence in the legislature: Venezuela (37%) – 2017
- Lowest confidence in the legislature: Paraguay (10%) – 2017
- Highest Confidence in Political Parties: Uruguay (25%) – 2017
- Lowest Confidence in Political Parties: Brazil (7%) – 2017
- Dissatisfaction with democracy: 13 in 20 – 2017
- Confidence in political parties: 3 in 20 – 2017
- Overall Trust in the Judiciary: 34% – 2018
Other
- Most trusted institution in China: Government (86%) – 2019
- What the Chinese public considers to be the largest problem facing the country: Corrupt Officials (49%) – 2016
- Number of people who trust their government in India: 17 in 20 – 2017
- Canada: about 2 in 3 – 2017
- Russia: about 2 in 3 – 2017
- Mexico: less than 1 in 5 – 2017
- Lebanon: 3 in 20 – 2017
Trust in Media
- Percentage of people around the world who trust the media: 47% – 2019
- Rating of news trustworthiness in the United States: 4.5 out of 10 – 2017
- In South Korea: 4.0 out of 10 – 2017
- Number of citizens who trust the press across the European Union: Almost 1 in 2 – 2019
- France: 3.9 out of 10 – 2019
- Germany: 4.8 out of 10 – 2019
- Italy: 3.8 out of 10 – 2019
- Slovenia: 3.9 out of 10 – 2019
- Percentage of European Union citizens who trust the radio: 59% – 2017
- EU citizens who do not actively participate in political discussions on social networks because they don’t trust online social networks: 3 in 10 – 2018
- Those who are confident that the average person in the United Kingdom can tell real news from ‘fake news’: 3 in 10 – 2018
Trust in Business
- Global trust in business: 56% – 2019
- Number of Americans who believe pharmaceutical companies have too much power: More than 4 in 5 – 2018
- Banks and Financial Institutions: Almost 3 in 4 – 2018
- Advertisers: Over 7 in 10 – 2018
- Energy Industry: Over 11 in 20 – 2018
- Technology Companies: 11 in 20 – 2018
- The most trusted business sector globally: Technology (78%) – 2019
- Americans who trust technology companies to “do what is right:” More than 17 in 20 – 2018
- British citizens who feel technology companies will seek their consent on data collection: 25% trust; 27% distrust – 2018
- British citizens who feel technology companies will be transparent on how they use data: 23% trust; 33% distrust – 2018
- British citizens who feel technology companies will protect personal data: 26% trust; 29% distrust – 2018
- British citizens who trust technology companies to encrypt their personal data: 31% trust; 25% distrust – 2018
- Least trusted business sector globally: Financial Services (57%) – 2019
- Trustworthiness of the Financials Services industry as rated by French citizens: 3.9 out of 10 – 2017
- Germans: 4.5 out of 10 – 2017
- Italians: 3.5 out of 10 – 2017
- Slovenians: 4.5 out of 10 – 2017
- South Koreans: 5.1 out of 10 – 2017
- Brits: 4.9 out of 10 – 2017
- Americans: 5.6 out of 10 – 2017
- Millennials who trust in companies to keep their personal information private: 44%, the highest compared to other generations – 2016
- Percentage of American citizens confident that business leaders will act in the best interests of the public: 45% – 2018
- Professions least trusted to tell the truth in the United Kingdom: Advertising Executives (16%) – 2018
Sources
- 1. Many unhappy with
current political system. Pew Research Center, 2017. - Afrobarometer: Round 6. Afrobarometer. 2016.
- Ambitious SDG goal confronts challenging realities: Access to justice is still elusive for many Africans. Afrobarometer, 2017.
- Chinese Public Sees More Powerful Role in World, Names U.S. as Top Threat. Pew Research Center, 2016.
- Confiana en los partidos políticos cae nueve puntos porcentuales desde 2013, se acentúa la crisis de respresentación. Latinobarometro, 2017.
- Confianza en el congreso cae doce puntos porcentuales desde 2010 en América Latina. La crisis de representación se acentúa. Latinobarometro, 2017.
- Corruption. European Commission, 2017.
- Data Security: Not a Big Concern for Millennials. Gallup, 2016.
- Desde 2010 la satisfacción con la democracia en América Latina ha caído 14 puntos porcentuales. Latinobarometro, 2017.
- Edelman Trust Barometer. Edelman, 2019.
- Eurobarometer interactive: And, for each of them, please tell me if you tend to trust it or not to trust it? The European Parliament. European Commission, 2018.
- Eurobarometer Interactive: I would like to ask you a question about how much trust you have in certain media and institutions. For the following media and institutions, please tell me if you tend to trust it or tend not to trust it: Radio. European Commission, 2017.
- Eurobarometer Interactive: I would like to ask you a question about how much trust you have in certain media and institutions. For the following media and institutions, please tell me if you tend to trust it or tend not to trust it: Television. European Commission, 2017.
- Eurobarometer Interactive: I would like to ask you a question about how much trust you have in certain media and institutions. For the following media and institutions, please tell me if you tend to trust it or tend not to trust it: The Internet. European Commission, 2017.
- Eurobarometer Interactive: I would like to ask you a question about how much trust you have in certain media and institutions. For the following media and institutions, please tell me if you tend to trust it or tend not to trust it: Online social networks. European Commission, 2017.
- Eurobarometer: Democracy and elections. European Commission, 2018.
- European Parliament the most trusted EU institution. European Parliament, 2018.
- Fairness, inequality and inter-generational mobility. European Commission, 2018.
- Ipsos MORI Almanac 2018. Ipsos MORI, 2018.
- Job performance of MPs, local
councillors : Are representatives serving voters or themselves? Afrobarometer, 2016. - La confianza en los gobiernos latinoamericanos alcanza su nivel más bajo desde 2004. Latinobarometro, 2017.
- Latin American Economic Outlook 2018: Rethinking Institutions for Development. OECD Development Centre, 2018.
- Perceived independence of the national justice systems in the EU among companies. European Commission, 2018.
- Perceived independence of the national justice systems in the EU among the general public. European Commission, 2018.
- The State of the Nation. Ipsos MORI, 2018.
- Trust in Government. Gallup Poll, 2018.
- Trust in the Digital Era. Pew Research Center, 2018.
- Trust in the military exceeds trust in other institutions in Western Europe and U.S. Pew Research Center, 2018.
- Trust, Facts, and Democracy: 1. Democracy and government, the U.S. political system, elected officials and governmental institutions. Pew Research Centre, 2018.
- Trustlab. OECD, 2017.
Impact of a nudging intervention and factors associated with vegetable dish choice among European adolescents
A cross-sectional quasi-experimental study was implemented in restaurants in four European countries: Denmark, France, Italy and United Kingdom. In total, 360 individuals aged 12-19 years were allocated into control or intervention groups, and asked to select from meat-based, fish-based, or vegetable-based meals. All three dishes were identically presented in appearance (balls with similar size and weight) and with the same sauce (tomato sauce) and side dishes (pasta and salad). In the intervention condition, the vegetable-based option was presented as the “dish of the day” and numbers of dishes chosen by each group were compared using the Pearson chi-square test. Multivariate logistic regression analysis was run to assess associations between choice of vegetable-based dish and its potential associated factors (adherence to Mediterranean diet, food neophobia, attitudes towards nudging for vegetables, food choice questionnaire, human values scale, social norms and self-estimated health, country, gender and belonging to control or intervention groups). All analyses were run in SPSS 22.0.
The nudging strategy (dish of the day) did not show a difference on the choice of the vegetable-based option among adolescents tested (p = 0.80 for Denmark and France and p = 0.69 and p = 0.53 for Italy and UK, respectively). However,
The “dish of the day” strategy did not work under the study conditions. Choice of the vegetable-based dish was predicted by natural dimension, social norms, gender and attitudes towards vegetable nudging. An understanding of factors related to choosing
Harnessing Digital Tools to Revitalize European Democracy
Article by Elisa Lironi: “…Information and communication technology (ICT) can be used to implement more participatory mechanisms and foster democratic processes. Often referred to as e-democracy, there is a large range of very different possibilities for online engagement, including e-initiatives, e-consultations, crowdsourcing, participatory budgeting, and e-voting. Many European countries have started exploring ICT’s potential to reach more citizens at a lower cost and to tap into the so-called wisdom of the crowd, as governments attempt to earn citizens’ trust and revitalize European democracy by developing more responsive, transparent, and participatory decisionmaking processes.
For instance, when Anne Hidalgo was elected mayor of Paris in May 2014, one of her priorities was to make the city more collaborative by allowing Parisians to propose policy and develop projects together. In order to build a stronger relationship with the citizens, she immediately started to implement a citywide participatory budgeting project for the whole of Paris, including all types of policy issues. It started as a small pilot, with the city of Paris putting forward fifteen projects that could be funded with up to about 20 million euros and letting citizens vote on which projects to invest in, via ballot box or online. Parisians and local authorities deemed this experiment successful, so Hidalgo decided it was worth taking further, with more ideas and a bigger pot of money. Within two years, the level of participation grew significantly—from 40,000 voters in 2014 to 92,809 in 2016, representing 5 percent of the total urban population. Today, Paris Budget Participatif is an official platform that lets Parisians decide how to spend 5 percent of the investment budget from 2014 to 2020, amounting to around 500 million euros. In addition, the mayor also introduced two e-democracy platforms—Paris Petitions, for e-petitions, and Idée Paris, for e-consultations. Citizens in the French capital now have multiple channels to express their opinions and contribute to the development of their city.
In Latvia, civil society has played a significant role in changing how legislative procedures are organized. ManaBalss (My Voice) is a grassroots NGO that creates tools for better civic participation in decisionmaking processes. Its online platform, ManaBalss.lv, is a public e-participation website that lets Latvian citizens propose, submit, and sign legislative initiatives to improve policies at both the national and municipal level. …
In Finland, the government itself introduced an element of direct democracy into the Finnish political system, through the 2012 Citizens’ Initiative Act (CI-Act) that allows citizens to submit initiatives to the parliament. …
Other civic tech NGOs across Europe have been developing and experimenting with a variety of digital tools to reinvigorate democracy. These include initiatives like Science For You (SCiFY) in Greece, Netwerk Democratie in the Netherlands, and the Citizens Foundation in Iceland, which got its start when citizens were asked to crowdsource their constitution in 2010.
Outside of civil society, several private tech companies are developing digital platforms for democratic participation, mainly at the local government level. One example is the Belgian start-up CitizenLab, an online participation platform that has been used by more than seventy-five municipalities around the world. The young founders of CitizenLab have used technology to innovate the democratic process by listening to what politicians need and including a variety of functions, such as crowdsourcing mechanisms, consultation processes, and participatory budgeting. Numerous other European civic tech companies have been working on similar concepts—Cap Collectif in France, Delib in the UK, and Discuto in Austria, to name just a few. Many of these digital tools have proven useful to elected local or national representatives….
While these initiatives are making a real impact on the quality of European democracy, most of the EU’s formal policy focus is on constraining the power of the tech giants rather than positively aiding digital participation….(More)”
New study on eGovernment shows how Europe’s digital public services can do better
European Commission: “Today the European Commission published a new study, the eGovernment benchmark report 2018, which demonstrates that the availability and quality of online public services have improved in the EU. Overall there has been significant progress in respect to the efficient use of public information and services online, transparency of government authorities’ operations and users’ control of personal data, cross-border mobility and key enablers, such as the availability of electronic identity cards and other documents.

10 EU countries (Malta, Austria, Sweden, Finland, the Netherlands, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Portugal, Denmark) and Norway are delivering high-quality digital services with a score above 75% on important events of daily life such as moving, finding a job, starting a business or studying. Estonia, Latvia
Further efforts are notably needed in cross-border mobility and digital identification. So far only 6 EU countries have notified their eID means which enables their cross-border recognition….(More) (Report)”
Many Around the World Are Disengaged From Politics
Richard Wike and Alexandra Castillo at Pew Research Center: “An engaged citizenry is often considered a sign of a healthy democracy. High levels of political and civic participation increase the likelihood that the voices of ordinary citizens will be heard in important debates, and they confer a degree of legitimacy on democratic institutions. However, in many nations around the world, much of the public is disengaged from politics.
To better understand public attitudes toward civic engagement, Pew Research Center conducted face-to-face surveys in 14 nations encompassing a wide range of political systems. The study, conducted in collaboration with the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) as part of their International Consortium on Closing Civic Space (iCon), includes countries from Africa, Latin America, Europe, the Middle East and Southeast Asia. Because it does not represent every region, the study cannot reflect the globe as a whole. But with 14,875 participants across such a wide variety of countries, it remains a useful snapshot of key, cross-national patterns in civic life.
The survey finds that, aside from voting, relatively few people take part in other forms of political and civic participation. Still, some types of engagement are more common among young people, those with more education, those on the political left and social network users. And certain issues – especially health care, poverty and education – are more likely than others to inspire political action. Here are eight key takeaways from the survey, which was conducted from May 20 to Aug. 12, 2018, via face-to-face interviews.
Most people vote, but other forms of participation are much less common. Across the 14 nations polled, a median of 78% say they have voted at least once in the past. Another 9% say they might vote in the future, while 7% say they would never vote.
With at least 9-in-10 reporting they have voted in the past, participation is highest in three of the four countries with compulsory voting (Brazil, Argentina and Greece). Voting is similarly high in both Indonesia (91%) and the Philippines (91%), two countries that do not have compulsory voting laws.
The lowest percentage is found in Tunisia (62%), which has only held two national elections since the Jasmine Revolution overthrew long-serving President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in 2011 and spurred the Arab Spring protests across the Middle East.
Attending a political campaign event or speech is the second most common type of participation among those surveyed – a median of 33% have done this at least once. Fewer people report participating in volunteer organizations (a median of 27%), posting comments on political issues online (17%), participating in an organized protest (14%) or donating money to a social or political organization (12%)….(More)”.
Renovating democracy from the bottom up
Nathan Gardels at the Washington Post: “The participatory power of social media is a game changer for governance. It levels the playing field among amateurs and experts, peers and authorities and even challenges the legitimacy of representative government. Its arrival coincides with and reinforces the widespread distrust of elites across the Western world, ripening the historical moment for direct democracy.
For the first time, an Internet-based movement has come to power in a major country, Italy, under the slogan “Participate, don’t delegate!” All of the Five Star Movement’s parliamentarians, who rule the country in a coalition with the far-right League party, were nominated and elected to stand for office online. And they have appointed the world’s first minister for direct democracy, Riccardo Fraccaro.
In Rome this week, he explained the participatory agenda of Italy’s ruling coalition government to The WorldPost at a meeting of the Global Forum on Modern Direct Democracy. “Citizens must be granted the same possibility to actively intervene in the process of managing and administrating public goods as normally carried out by their elected representatives,” he enthused. “What we have witnessed in our democracy is a drift toward ‘partyocracy,’ in which a restricted circle of policymakers have been so fully empowered with decision-making capacity that they could virtually ignore and bypass the public will. The mere election of a representative every so many years is no longer sufficient to prevent this from happening. That is why our government will take the next step forward in order to innovate and enhance our democracy.”
Fraccaro went on: “Referenda, public petitions and the citizens’ ballot initiative are nothing other than the direct means available for the citizenry to submit laws that political parties are not willing to propose or to reject rules approved by political parties that are not welcome by the people. Our aim, therefore, is to establish the principles and practices of direct democracy alongside the system of representative government in order to give real, authentic sovereignty to the citizens.”
At the Rome forum, Deputy Prime Minister Luigi di Maio, a Five Star member, railed against the technocrats and banks he says are trying to frustrate the will of the people. He promised forthcoming changes in the Italian constitution to follow through on Fraccaro’s call for citizen-initiated propositions that will go to the public ballot if the legislature does not act on them.
The program that has so far emerged out of the government’s participatory agenda is a mixed bag. It includes everything from anti-immigrant and anti-vaccine policies to the expansion of digital networks and planting more trees. In a move that has unsettled the European Union authorities as well as Italy’s non-partisan, indirectly-elected president, the governing coalition last week proposed both a tax cut and the provision of a universal basic income — despite the fact that Italy’s long-term debt is already 130 percent of GDP.
The Italian experiment warrants close attention as a harbinger of things to come elsewhere. It reveals a paradox for governance in this digital age: the more participation there is, the greater the need for the counterbalance of impartial mediating practices and institutions that can process the cacophony of voices, sort out the deluge of contested information, dispense with magical thinking and negotiate fair trade-offs among the welter of conflicting interests….(More)”.
European science funders ban grantees from publishing in paywalled journals
Martin Enserink at Science: “Frustrated with the slow transition toward open access (OA) in scientific publishing, 11 national funding organizations in Europe turned up the pressure today. As of 2020, the group, which jointly spends about €7.6 billion on research annually, will require every paper it funds to be freely available from the moment of publication. In a statement, the group said it will no longer allow the 6- or 12-month delays that many subscription journals now require before a paper is made OA, and it won’t allow publication in so-called hybrid journals, which charge subscriptions but also make individual papers OA for an extra fee.
The move means grantees from these 11 funders—which include the national funding agencies in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and France as well as Italy’s National Institute for Nuclear Physics—will have to forgo publishing in thousands of journals, including high-profile ones such as Nature, Science, Cell, and The Lancet, unless those journals change their business model. “We think this could create a tipping point,” says Marc Schiltz, president of Science Europe, the Brussels-based association of science organizations that helped coordinate the plan. “Really the idea was to make a big, decisive step—not to come up with another statement or an expression of intent.”
The announcement delighted many OA advocates. “This will put increased pressure on publishers and on the consciousness of individual researchers that an ecosystem change is possible,” says Ralf Schimmer, head of Scientific Information Provision at the Max Planck Digital Library in Munich, Germany. Peter Suber, director of the Harvard Library Office for Scholarly Communication, calls the plan “admirably strong.” Many other funders support OA, but only the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation applies similarly stringent requirements for “immediate OA,” Suber says. The European Commission and the European Research Council support the plan; although they haven’t adopted similar requirements for the research they fund, a statement by EU Commissioner for Research, Science and Innovation Carlos Moedas suggests they may do so in the future and urges the European Parliament and the European Council to endorse the approach….(More)”.
An Overview of National AI Strategies
Medium Article by Tim Dutton: “The race to become the global leader in artificial intelligence (AI) has officially begun. In the past fifteen months, Canada, China, Denmark, the EU Commission, Finland, France, India, Italy, Japan, Mexico, the Nordic-Baltic region, Singapore, South Korea, Sweden, Taiwan, the UAE, and the UK have all released strategies to promote the use and development of AI. No two strategies are alike, with each focusing on different aspects of AI policy: scientific research, talent development, skills and education, public and private sector adoption, ethics and inclusion, standards and regulations, and data and digital infrastructure.
This article summarizes the key policies and goals of each strategy, as well as related policies and initiatives that have announced since the release of the initial strategies. It also includes countries that have announced their intention to develop a strategy or have related AI policies in place….(More)”.